Page 11 E--The Development of Article V at the Federal Convention of 1787 (Cont.)
As a preface of the
discussion of the development of Article V at the Federal Convention of
1787, FOAVC quotes from the
Supreme Court ruling United States v Sprague, 282 U.S. 716, 732 (1931)
discussing the "meticulous care" of the Founders at the Federal
Convention of 1787 in regards to use of language "to fit their thought"
(See Page 17 K).
While the quote refers to ratification of an amendment, nothing in the
Court's statement leads to the conclusion its comment was only directed
to the
ratification process or any less care was applied to the remainder of
the text of Article V or the Constitution in general.
Thus
the Framers of the
Constitution were quite capable of describing amendment proposal for the
Constitution by state legislatures in plain and unequivocal language
requiring no implication, speculation, rules of construction,
interpolation or addition in order to "understand" their intention if that were their intention. It
is reasonable therefore to state had the Founders intended state
legislatures have authority to propose amendments by means of a
convention which they controlled in regards to agenda and product, the language of the Constitution
would clearly have reflected this intent. Similarly, if the Founders intended state legislatures possessed the authority to directly amend the Constitution, that language would be equally plain and unequivocal.
The Court stated, "If the framers of the instrument had any thought
that amendments differing in purpose should be ratified in different ways,
nothing would have been simpler that so to phrase article 5 as to
exclude implication or speculation. The fact that an instrument drawn
with such meticulous care and by men who so well understood now to make
language fit their thought does not contain any such limiting phrase
affecting the exercise of discretion by the Congress in choosing one or
the other alternative mode of ratification is persuasive evidence that
no qualification was intended."
Equally important to this discussion is the Court's comment in Hawke v
Smith, 253 U.S. 221, 228 (1920) in which the Court said, "There can be
no question that the framers of the Constitution clearly understood and
carefully used the terms in which that instrument referred to the
action of the Legislatures of the states. When they intended that
direct action by the people should be had they were no less accurate in
the use of apt phraseology to carry out such purpose." (See Page 17 G).
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As previously discussed Farrand published his seminal work, "The
Records of the Federal Convention of 1787 in a three volume set
in 1911. In 1937 Farrand released a revised edition of his 1911 work
with the publication of a fourth volume. As stated in the volume's
preface, "The controlling purpose in preparing the original edition of The Records of the Federal Convention (New
Haven, 1911) was to gather in convenient and reliable form every scrap
of information accessible upon the drafting of the Constitution of the
United States. Errors were inevitable in a work embodying numerous
documents, of diverse character, derived from scattered sources.
Mistakes whenever discovered, if they were of any significance, were
correct in subsequent printings. The obvious course would have been to
incorporate also in those reprintings new material as it came to light,
but, owing to the plan adopted of grouping together all the different
records of each day's sessions, the insertion of new items at their
proper places would have involved the recasting of plates for many
pages, and sometimes would have meant the repaging of entire volumes.
Not a few lawyers and even members of the Federal Supreme Court have
expressed the hope that the page numbering of the first printing might
be retained for convenience in identifying references. ... Instead of
attempting to incorporate the new items in their several places, it has
been decided to issue a fourth, supplementary volume."
FOAVC therefore begins its presentation by presenting the supplemental
material in Volume IV of Farrand related to Article V. All images of
pages presented throughout this presentation may be clicked on to
enlarge. Text is highlighted as required. There are only two
supplements presented by Farrand related to Article V but which FOAVC are quite significant
in the discussion of the intent of Article V. They are not corrections
to previously published text but are incorporated with corrections of
text to other parts of the 1911 publication. As stated Farrand chose
not to insert these corrections into the original text. Therefore the
corrections are simply listed by volume and page leaving the reader the
task to "add" them.
The
first supplement referring to the amendment process recorded by Farrand
is found on pages 49-50 of Volume IV (left panels) and refers to notes
of the Committee of Detail found in Volume II. The second supplement
page 61, (right panel) again referring to Volume II, pages 636-37, adds
written notes made by George Mason on his copy of the September 12th
draft of the Constitution. The significance of statement between the two
supplements is clear. In the earlier Committee of Detail report, it is
clear the state legislatures could amend the Constitution, "(An alteration may be effecting in the articles of the union, on the application of two thirds nine
<2/3d> of the state legislatures <by a Convn.>) <on
appln. of 2/3ds of the State Legislatures to the Natl. Leg. they call a
Convn. to revise or alter ye. Articles of Union.>"
However by the time of Mason's comments of September 12, it is clearly the people who
are empowered to amend the Constitution. Mason makes no mention of the
state legislatures being deprived of the right to "revise or alter" the
Constitution. "Article 5th. By the Article Congress only have the Power
of proposing Amendments at any future time to this Constitution, &
shou'd it prove ever so oppressive, the whole people of America can't make, or even propose Alterations
to it; a Doctrine utterly subsersive of the fundamental Principles of
the Rights & Liberties of the people." [Emphasis added]. This
change in language cannot be dismissed. If Mason had intended to mean
the state legislatures could not propose alterations, he certainly
would have stated that in his notes rather than language referring to
depriving the people of their right to "revise or alter" the
Constitution.
The Genesis of Article V
As
with much of the Constitution Article V had its beginnings as one of
the provisions in what is generally referred to as the Virginia Plan.
Of all the various plans of government presented by various delegates
to the convention, the Virginia Plan is probably the most
comprehensive. The Virginia Plan was presented to the convention on May
29 by Edmund
Randolph of Virginia [member Continental Congress
1779-82; Governor of Virginia, 1786-88; delegate to Federal Convention
of 1787, member of Committee of Detail; delegate to Virginia
Ratification Convention 1788; United States Attorney General 1789-94;
United States Secretary of State 1794-95].
The proposal consisted of 15
resolutions
regarding
proposed alterations to the national government. The amendment clause
was the thirteenth proposition and read, "Resd. that provision ought to
be made for the amendment of the Articles of Union whensoever it shall
seem necessary, and that the assent of the National Legislature ought
not to be required thereto." The plan thus set forth two basic
principles: There shall be in place a means to amend what was to
become the Constitution; the process of amendment, (yet
defined) should be accomplished without assent of the National Legislature (Congress) meaning the mode of amendment was to be autonomous from Congress. As noted by
Farrand, "It was then Resolved &c -- &c -- That the House will
to-morrow resolve itself into a Committee of the whole House to
consider the State of the American Union, --and that the propositions
moved by Mr. Randolph be referred to the said Committee."
The conception of a method of amendment for the Constitution is not
surprising. As previously discussed one of the primary reasons for
holding the convention was the obstinacy of the state of Rhode Island to
approve any changes in the national government. In effect, the state of
Rhode Island, thanks to the unanimous consent clause of the Articles of
Confederation, held the rest of the nation political hostage. While a few convention delegates believed there was no need
for amendment to the Constitution the vast majority disagreed. Thus debate centered on how
the instrument should be amended, the question of if it should be amended settled quite early in the convention.
This form of autonomous amendment proposal established at the very beginning of the convention shows those suggesting Congress
regulates an Article V Convention are incorrect. From the very start of
the process creating Article V it was clear a mode of
amendment proposal was not
to
be controlled by Congress or, as it turned out, by the state legislatures. Therefore Congress was not empowered to
select convention delegations, determine convention agenda or, most
important, assent
to whatever proposal(s) a convention might advance. This is evident in
the ratification process of
Article V.
Congress is not empowered in its choice of ratification mode with veto
of a proposed amendment from a convention. As with its own
amendment proposals Congress chooses how a proposed amendment will be ratified, not whether it will be ratified. The full text
of the Virginia Plan and its subsequent assignment to the Committee of
the whole House is presented below: